Secretary, Eastern Provinces 19762 Af 15

[AUGUST 1942]

I. Introduction1-4
II. Social Organisation5-15
III. Inheritance and Succession16
IV. Marriage and Divorce17-20
V. Religion21-22
VI. Land Tenure23
VII. Administrative and Judicial24-29
VIII. Education30-37
IX. Trade38-43
X. Proposals44-46

I. Ethnological Notes
II. The Bangwa 8 day Week
III. Errata
IV. Prices in Bangwa Markets
V. Village Area Heads and their Sub Chiefs

The only previous report on this area is that written in 1922 by the late Mr. Cadman. The object of this report is to give a picture of the clan as it is today, amending where necessary the previous report, and to put forward the following recommendations:-
. (1)  That the Bangwa Clan should have its own Treasury.
. (2)  That an Appeal Court for the Bangwa Clan area to be shared with the Mundani Clan be set up.

2. The notes of this report were compiled on the three tours of Administrative routine made by the writer, and no attempt at reassessment has been made.

3. The Bangwa Clan now comprises nine village areas, the villages of Tschati and Folepi included in Mr. Cadman’s report having been placed in the Mundani area (paragraph 155, 163).

4. To avoid repetition, references to the pertinent paragraphs in Mr. Cadman’s report will be made by quoting their numbers in brackets.

SOCIAL ORGANISATION 5. In paragraph 10 the reference to the arbitrary German method of placing areas under Chiefs for political expediency only, if it did apply to the Bangwa, does not remain true today, and a glance at the appendix, showing the village area Heads and their Hamlet Heads, closely knit by family ties, would rather prove the opposite.

6. The importance of the family in the Bangwa area cannot be too heavily stressed, for it is upon the respect for family, and therefore village and clan, traditions that the unity and peace of this area depends for the clan is but expansion of the family.

7. The Clan Chief or Village Area Head is known as Efoa and the traditional posts in his village area, are, in order of precedence, Ntwete and Asaa, who are half brothers to the Efoa. These are similar to the Otum and Osi Bale of Yoruba land and deputise for the Efoa. They are always half brothers to Efoa. His full brother is called Monfaw and his duties are more closely associated with Efoa. Should the Efoa die without male issue, then it is his full brother who inherits, not Ntwete or Asaa, who can become Efoa after all the full brothers of Efoa are deceased. Next in order come the Sub-Chiefs or Hamlet Heads (Efonte) who are all drawn from the Clan Chiefs’ family (paragraph 15) and after them come the Nkem or important people. While wealth plays an important part in these distinctions, the family connection is of paramount importance (paragraphs 61-64).

8. Efonte the same traditional posts and ranks in their village or hamlets as have the Efoa. It should be noted that Nkem is a title won by a person of wealth and importance, but, he is under Efonte always. Ni Nkem unless of the Chiefs’ family can become Efonte.

9. The position of Mafaw – the only traditional title held by a woman – is of the greatest importance (paragraphs 342, 344). She is installed at the same time as the new Efoa and is one of the late Efoa’s daughters and full sister to the new Efoa. She is a member of all the societies and is the deputy of the Efoa in all matters concerning the women. Her council house where women’s matters are discussed and her position of authority and power in the Chief’s household, provide the women with a means of representation in the clan affairs which is enlightened in the extreme and belies the unhappy picture painted by Mr. Cadman of naked women slaving at uncongenial tasks whipped on by the Mafaw. Having seen the women’s dance Akor (paragraph 396) which is for all or any women, the writer can say that female finery amongst the Bangwa, is in no way dissimilar from that elsewhere in the world in that it depends upon the length of the husband’s purse. Scanty clothing for farm work is but practical and work on the land unless one is rich enough to employ others to do it like Mafaw, is common to all Bangwa women. But when Akor is put on, then all the finery they possess is brought out for show, some indeed so elaborate that an American “drum majorette” would not be disgraced in them.

10. Mafaw being a Chief’s daughter has land and receives a goat on the marriage of all female relatives. She marries like other women and because of her property, a large dowry is paid. If divorce follows, Mafaw keeps her own property and can remain unmarried afterwards provided her father or the Efoa agrees. The head Mafaw of Fontem is an example of a Mafaw divorced and living unmarried, but by no means deprived of male company.

11. When Mafaw gets old she retires on to her land but retains her title. Her sons if she is wealthy usually become Nkem and sometimes Efonte. She is succeeded by the Mafaw chosen by Efoa and can be her daughter. In Fontem there are three Mafaws one old and retired and two who do the work in the village which being larger than others needs them. They are always closely related to Efoa.

12. Mafaw cannot leave her village while in office, if she marries, unless her husband is near enough for her to respond to any call that might be made on her in an official capacity. The Mafaw of Fotabong I for example is married to a quarter head of Fontem but is near enough to be called when necessary.

13. The position of “Chindas” (paragraphs 7, 337-41) is that of an hereditary servant class. The names Chinda is not Bangwa and Che Efoa meaning Chief’s servant will be used in future when referring to them. When slavery existed the Chiefs used to buy their Che Efoa; but now they are recruited from the progeny of the male and female Che Efoa. The sons of such union are called Mombembe or ‘sons of slaves’ and the daughters Azamonkap. Marriages always have to be approved by the Chief. In the case of Mombembe, if he has done good work for the Chief the dowry when he marries is usually paid by the Chief in full and where this is not done, the Chief always contributes something. The daughters of such marriage when in turn they marry, always have their dowry paid in part to the Chief. Sons of such marriage are Mombembe and become Che Efoa unless the Chief allows them to leave the compound. The supply of Che Efoa therefore depends upon their productivity. Azamonkap, if married to a free man, has children who are free, but have certain obligations to the Chief; sons for instance always perform annually some work for the Chief – collecting wood, palm oil or plantains – usually in the rains. This is carried on until the son of Azamonkap dies, when his son can either continue the annual tribute or report the death of his father to the Chief with a fee of 2 goats or the approximate equivalent. When this is accepted by the Chief, the obligation of that Azamonkap’s male descendents ceases. The daughters of Azamonkap and their descendents still continue to bring in to the Chief and his successors, a portion of their dowries. It can be seen that this in time would provide a Chief with no inconsiderable source of wealth.

14. Che Efoa live in the Chief’s compound where their work lies. When they have two wives or more they move from the Chief’s compound and live apart although near enough to carry out their duties. When the Che Efoa has more than 4 or 5 wives he is usually installed on his own land. With the strong feeling for tradition and pride of family the Bangwa have preserved this servant class, relict of the days of slavery, with this difference that permanent service has great benefits and it is by no means regarded as servitude. It is more similar to the class of family retainer, which in feudal days was a post of honour. This is best exemplified by the case of Fontem himself who, when his father died was but a boy and had to contend with intense opposition and hostility from his brothers and half brothers. He himself would have been powerless against such an attack and had it not been for the loyalty of the Che Efoa he could not have grown into manhood. In the writer’s own experience at Foto during the unsatisfactory regency of Nkaraka, until the young Chief designate grew up, it was the activity of the late Foto’s Che Efoa which safeguarded what was possible of Foto’s possessions from the rapacious Nkaraka and by their fearless complaints to the writer against the regent caused investigations to be made which resulted in the removal of Nkaraka and the installation of the very youthful Foto. He is still only a boy of about 12 years of age, but has been in power now for over 6 months and with the loyal support of the Che Efoa and sub-chiefs but especially the Che Efoa has already shown the change was for the better.

15. It would not be an over statement to say that the hereditary servant class of Che Efoa is as much part of Bangwa custom and tradition as the hereditary ruling class of the Chief’s family – each is a necessary complement of the other.

INHERITANCE AND SUCCESSION. Paragraphs 381, 382 376 – 379 .
16. The disposition of property and the naming of his successor is done by a Chief on his death-bed in the presence of his council of Sub-Chiefs. Succession is always through the male line and until a chief is dying his successor is unknown. In the case of sudden death the council in the case of a Chief and in the case of a family head, the family with the approval of the Chief or Sub-Chief (Efonte) elect the successor.

MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE. Paragraphs 359-64. 17.
It is wrong according to Bangwa custom for a man to peak with any girl before being betrothed. The man himself usually approaches the girl’s father and if consent is given the usual preliminaries are carried out. If the father knows that the man has already agreed with his daughter and he does not approve of the match, bad feeling is caused; it is said that nowadays this is all too prevalent.

18. Dowry is as a rule always paid before marriage, but part dowry paid entitles the payer to any children of the marriage in the event of divorce.

19. Where a betrothal has been made and dowry paid and the woman goes to another man, it has become customary for the rejected suitor instead of receiving back his dowry from the father, to be told to summon the successful lover.

20. The marriageable age is puberty. It is a grave offence to live with young girls (paragraph 212). Virginity is not so prized as before. The only time a betrothed daughter can protest against marriage arrangements made by her father, is when he is dead. The betrothed’s customary contribution of cloth to the funeral ceremonies, is sent to the girl first. If she returns it, it means she wishes to be released from her obligations. Her father’s heir, however, is entitled to make new marriage arrangements, but not again with the rejected suitor, whose contributions are refunded (paragraph 366).

RELIGION: (Paragraph 380).
21. The Bangwa belief in religion takes two forms – that of the Omnipotent deity Ndem and their own family gods. The belief in Ndem is not of recent origin as stated by Mr. Cadman but is traditional (Appendix).

22. The traditional respect for the family head is best exemplified by the ancestor worship of the skull. These are kept by the heads of families and are consulted in time of trouble and aid is sought before any endeavour. Each family has its own heads – thus the Chief’s family heads consists of all the ruling Chiefs in succession off-spring from those who have in turn founded families whose heads are kept by their descendants. Thus for each family there is in the possession of the immediate head, a shrine to which they go for help. (Appendix). The connection in a clan of families descended from a common ancestor is undoubtedly binding, but for purpose of worship, it is to their immediate forebears that each family turns.

LAND TENURE: (Paragraphs 256-61).
23. In each clan the original gifts of land still exist and the various conditions are scrupulously observed. There have been no land disputes for some time now, and none are anticipated. The original holdings have proved sufficient and there are still vast areas within the Bangwa Native Authority boundaries which have not yet been used at all. Again the importance of the family is exemplified in the method of tenure – the family of the Chief (village area head and hamlet heads) distributing the holdings but retaining original – if theoretical nowadays – ownership. In the case of a family dying out, the land reverts to the Chief.

ADMINISTRATIVE AND JUDICIAL. (Paragraphs 215-218) 24.
The traditional Bangwa organisation of clan areas administered by the Village Area Head and his Hamlet Heads has proved as effective as had been expected by Mr. Cadman. (paragraph 218). It must be stressed however, that the reference in paragraph 215 to a District Head is more applicable than ever today. A “District Head” is not only undesirable but is contrary in every respect to the traditional and smooth working organisation of the area.

25. The present Native Authority consists of the clan area heads and this too, is the Native Court.

26. The ancient judicial system based on (paragraph 228- 36) the council of the clan area heads and Hamlet Heads has been superseded by the Native Court. It has had two unfortunate results. First the reduction of the Chiefs’ prestige and authority and secondly, by the limited sentences permitted by a “D” Grade Court an increase in offences like adultery, formerly held to be a most heinous offence especially when committed with a Chief’s wife (paragraph 234).

27. In the first case the Chiefs sitting as members of the Native Court after passing sentence have the Mamfe Appeal Court above them to which a dissatisfied litigant can go, and where, such is the constitution of the Mamfe Appeal Court, it is possible for the case to be tried by non-Bangwa Chiefs and, consequently, decisions to be given not in accordance with native law and custom. From the Appeal Court, a review by an Administrative Officer can be heard and thence to the Resident. Compared with the ancient judicial system, it can be seen that the authority of the Chiefs is sadly curtailed, in addition to which there has been a tendency on the part of complainants to take their grievances to Mamfe, where sympathetic hearing by Administrative Officers has tended to lessen still more the Chiefs’ authority. It is hoped that an Appeal Court for this area, shared with the Mundani area, will in part remedy this defect, and that the necessity for Administrative Officers to maintain in spite of the arduous trekking close relationship with the Chiefs will not be over looked, so that the remedy can be complete.

28. Secondly, compared with their traditional justice, sentences for adultery are very mild in Bangwa eyes and there seems to be an increase in offences against Chiefs’ wives, which have but the same punishment as others of ordinary birth. The Chiefs, such as their respect for authority, have taken this serious threat to the traditional respect for themselves, as but part of the burden imposed by the whiteman.

29. The first full council meeting attended by the writer produced no other subject for discussion.

EDUCATION. (Paragraphs 289-96).
30. The Native Administration School referred to in paragraph 294 was closed in 1930 but has been re-opened in March, 1942. There are at present 125 on the roll.

31. A Roman Catholic School at Fontem was also opened just before the Native Administration School was revived.

32. There are also vernacular schools at Fozimondi (Basel) and Fotabong I (Roman Catholic).

33. The writer has been informed by the Bangwa Chiefs and in no uncertain manner, that while they are anxious to have education they do not want ‘God palaver’. The former Native Administration School failed from neglect and the writer considers it of greatest importance that the recent re-opening of the school should be closely supported and by developing handicraft and agriculture give practical assistance to the very real enthusiasm of the Bangwas. The Headmaster Mr. Njuzy has taken a course of agricultural training in Ibadan and 8 acres for a school farm have been fenced for their use.

34. From the Bangwa point of view, education by the mission schools, with the inevitable dosage of mission doctrine is preferab1e to no school at all. The writer is convinced that whatever enthusiasm for the mission was evinced to Mr. Cadman, has waned if not disappeared, for one the main props to the Bangwa social life – the worship of ancestors and the keeping of their skulls – would be one of the first things to be attacked as pagan by the militant churches. The beliefs held by the Bangwas in their omnipotent deity and in their ancestors is sincere. It is also traditional and an essential part of their social organisation. To destroy this and offer as substitute the doctrine of the church would have the most serious consequences for it would inevitably lead to complete detribalisation and not only that, it would remove irremediably the possibility of true Native Administration – based on the traditions and customs of the people.

35. The writer is therefore strongly in support of the Bangwas who wish education to be untrammelled by religious doctrine and considers that this should be one of the main essentials of the Native Administration Schools.

36. Besides the Headmaster, there are 3 other teachers and arrangements for a boarders’ village to be built have been made, so that each village area constructs its own houses.

37. Money for the construction of a permanent two room building has been approved, and it is hoped to complete a second building next year.

TRADE: (Paragraphs 271-283).
38. Bangwa Markets are now at Fossungo, Foto Dungetet, Fotabong I, Fontem and Foreke Cha Cha.

39. The flow of trade is still to the French side, since the buying station at Tali is now closed, and even before the collapse of the Mbu Bridge this was some distance from the majority of the Bangwa area.

40. The main produce of palm oil and kernels still provides the French “Grassfield” with adequate exchange for their live stock.

41. The irritating restrictions upon trade in native produce across the frontier have after a considerable time, mostly been removed. The action of the Administrateur of Dschang, M. Geay, in prosecuting one notorious persecutor of traders from the British side called Thomas, and sentencing him to 3 years penal servitude has had a most beneficial effect; and there is now only the “frais” of 2 francs charged by the French on live stock crossing the frontier. The duty on palm oil charged till April by the French has been removed and it can be said that internal trade has new resumed, if it has not reached its previous volume.

42. It is however, not comforting to realise that such a large and in palm produce, wealthy area – (Mundani, Bangwa and Mbo Native Authorities) – depend almost entirely upon trade with the French Cameroons in order to pay their annual tax. The position lamented by Mr. Cadman has in 20 years improved in no way whatsoever and the closing of the United Africa Company buying station at Tali – because the river Mbu has remained unbridged for 2 years – has rendered this area even more inaccessible to the only British Firm operating in this Division. Cocoa and coffee in addition to palm produce is also grown but as yet in small quantities.

43. It is hoped that the proposed Tali – Fontem road will not be opposed and that the ultimate benefit from tapping the resources of this area will be considered against the initial cost.


44. It is recommended that :- (1) That the Mundani Clan area shares an Appeal Court with the Bangwa Clan area and the new Court being constructed at Fontem should be used as the Court building.
(2) That each clan should have five members of the Appeal Court, making ten in all.
(3) That a quorum should be three. (4) That the sitting fees should be 12/6d for the President and 8/- each for the two members. (5) That the Appeal Court scribe be paid £1. 10/- a month. (6) That each clan area should provide one messenger at 10/- a month. (7) That the Appeal fee should be 5/-.
The recurrent expenditure involved, therefore will be £3. 18. 6d a month, but this will in all probability be offset by the court revenue . Although Fontem is at present 4 days from the nearest road head the reconstruction of the Mbu bridge would reduce the distance by 12 miles and money has been approved for a survey to be made of the 'road trace from Tali to Fontem. It is hoped that it will be possible for the road to be constructed, or at least that the river Mbu can be bridged so that the existing road on the other side can be used.

(b) BANGWA CLAN TREASURY: The beneficial effect which resulted from the opening of a clan Treasury at Bakebe for the Bayang Clan, would, in the writer’s opinion, be repeated in the Bangwa Clan area and while approval may have to await the construction of the road, it is recommended that:-
(1) The clan should have complete physical custody of their funds.
(2) A small strong room be constructed with 3 locks, the keys being held by three clan key holders.
(3) The three key holders should attend at the end of each month for the making of payments and receipt of revenue.
(4) Each key holder should receive £6 per annum.
(5) Tax should be paid at the Treasury and the Government share should be brought into Mamfe monthly.
The Treasury office can be easily made in the new permanent court building now under construction at Fontem.

44. The recurrent expenditure involved would therefore be £6 per annum for the key holders plus £1. 10/- to the Treasury Clerk = £24 per annum.

45. The special expenditure involved is estimated by the Engineer as £70: -: -d for the strong room.

46. These proposals have been discussed with the clan council and are fully supported.

47. This report, as the writer is aware, has short-comings, but what has been written, albeit under difficulties, shows, it is hoped, that although little progress has been made since Mr. Cadman’s day the possibilities for using the clan organisation to develop a model Native Administration area, are great, and as a step towards this end, the proposals contained herein are made.

District Officer. ……………


Paragraph 350. Manchwu is always a woman. If a man is called in to assist at a birth he is the usual native doctor called Ngangafu and is only summoned if there are complications or difficulties. It is customary for all the Manchwu in a village to attend a birth. Manchwu are recruited from those women who when young display interest in the work and by watching others learn themselves.
Paragraph 351. The dance Ese. The Tainyi i.e. the fathers of twins, lead the dance, and the senior Tainyi kills the traditional goat, provided by the father of the twins born, and leads the dance attended by the village.
Nzor Mawbelem – the ceremony of rubbing the mother and the twins with the ground particles of a leaf called ‘Belang’ and a powder called ‘Fawfu’. This again is done by the senior Tainyi. The mother of twins is called Mainyi.
At the dance Ese, before the goat is killed its head is bound with leaves so that it is hidden. This is to prevent the goat’s eyes being seen by a child, for they are supposed to be evil. This may have some bearing on the cowrie shells which are sometimes hung in necklaces round the neck of a goat – as a fertility symbol. Mainyi nearly always have cowrie necklaces. A new Mainyi never goes to market until all ceremonies are over. These sometimes take 7 weeks, with the Ese dance performed once a week after the first time, but without the killing of a goat.

Paragraph 352. Mainyi have a special stick called Efe made from bamboo. They have a position of importance in the villages – (see paragraph 342).

Paragraph 353. Naming is not done on the day the child is born but at the convenience of the father who may be absent.

Paragraph 355. The operation is performed by specially trained men called Esuelekot Ebonke or Njezem Amoa. They do no other kind of operation but castrate pigs, goats and bulls.

Paragraph 356. The teeth are not filed but knocked or chipped by special men called Esebesong. It is done with a small hammer and delicate chisel-like instrument. The pointing of the teeth is usually carried out when a man is about 15 and woman the same, and is a sign of puberty. The Esebesong are very skilfull but any one who hurts or breaks the tooth soon goes out of business for no one will come to him.

Paragraph 357. The tattooing is done by a man - Nvendebem. The skin is first raised with a needle or pin and then a small incision is made with a razor. These scarifications are then washed and rubbed with oil and when healed, rubbed with camwood.

Paragraph 358. The matchet is for the household duties and work on the farm for the mother and father, and for collecting firewood.

Paragraph 366. The only time a daughter can protest against her marriage arrangements made by her father, is when he is dead. After the corpse is buried for two years the skull is removed (Atumfeh) and in the case of family heads, is kept by the successor. This practice is not only confined to the Chiefs’ family, but is done in every family.
On the day the skull is moved, the grave is blessed by a fowl being moved thrice over the grave, alive. The skull is lifted out with leaves (Mbebueh) placed in a new bag, and carried by the head of the family to his house. There in their traditional place a circular hole is dug about one foot in depth and the skull placed in it, upright and facing the front of the house. This is because the skull is consulted and asked for assistance and must be able to look out – not, as the writer at first thought, facing eastwards. After 2 or 3 weeks the skull is again taken out and rubbed with Mbelang leaves and replaced. A small goat is likked and blood put on the skull; then a small pot is rested on the skull and the earth filled in around it so that only the mouth of the pot shows above ground. Then leaves (Ndwot) are placed in the pot and water and palm wine added. The goat is then roasted and its flesh mixed with palm oil and salt and placed round the pot. An inverted pot or calabash is placed over the hole. The dead man’s successor always performs the ceremony accompanied by the rest of the family and he looks after the heads. The pot must never dry and food is usually offered once a month. Any member of the family can ask help or advice from the skull, but only through the head of the family, who performs the ritual feeding of the skulls with the food provided by the suppliants. Actual approach to the skulls can only be made by the head of the family and perhaps one or two selected persons - as for instance in Fontem, the only people who can perform the ceremony before the skulls, are Fontem himself and Monfaw. Fontem’s late sister was also permitted.

Paragraph 368. It is usual for the mother when dying to ask one of her sons to keep her skull. If she dies before she can bequeath it, it goes to the father's successor.

Paragraph 370. The Dance is called NKWE.

Paragraph 378. Ngufet is the Head Chinda of Fontem and Ngufet is his personal name. Head Chinda in Bangwa is Che Efoa Ndi and Nkem Che Efoa.

Paragraph 379. Truh Juju dress consists of sacking entirely covering the body including the face.

Paragraph 380. Ndem is a conception of an omnipotent deity. NGANGA are the sooth sayers or spiritualists who can foretell the future and are considered to have this power from NDEM. NGANGA tell people where and how to set up shrines to NDEM – these are made of stone or wood. The spot selected is first propitiated by a circle of Ewusi (a young calabash shoot) and ground nut, mashed and fried and mixed with salt. Words are said over the circle, and after 2 or 3 days the ground within the circle rises, and this indicates the place is favourable and a shrine is erected. Worship is usually carried out on the days ALUNG, NZAA, AMINA, NGONG, always in the morning or evening. Noon is a time of bad omen.
Each family has its own and if someone wants to perform a ceremony he asks the head of family who begins the ritual and then others can talk to Ndem.
Every individual has not got a shrine, but twins, during the dance Ese, can have a shrine named for them by the Head Tainyi and this is regarded as one of the twin privileges that they need not depend on Nganga.

Paragraph 384. The Truh stick is very long and black. Ebony is not usual and, generally it is a stick burnt black. It has no knob but tapers from a slim point to a thicker upper part. TRUH leaves are Mbebueh. New members are elected, but the approval of the Chief who is the head of Truh, is always necessary before the new member can be accepted. The fee is heavy.

Paragraph 386. The members of NKWE are usually sub-chiefs and Nkem. The Clan Chief is also the head.

Parargraph 389. Manjon or Efuka – open to every one, no subscription

Paragraph 392. A building, but always in a grove, usually near the Chief’s compound. Only clan chiefs and some sub-chiefs can have this juju.

1. Amina 2. Afaa 3. Ngong 4. Ase 5. Alung 6. Nkawusung 7. Nzaa 8. Alena

Several occasions are fixed by the days, for instance Fontem, Foto and Foreke Cha Cha markets are all on Amina. Ndem days of worship are Ngong, Alung, Nzaa. Ebensuk market is on Afaa and Fongendeng (French Cameroons) market on Nkawusung.

Paragraphs 62, 63. Posts in Chiefs’ compound. Asuwa is chosen by the Chief. Kematabong is a man’s name. The post Ndengtesa, is usually held by one of the Nkem. Azonwo, the executioner, is one of the Che Efoa.
Ndonko, is a man’s name. Ndrebuegue is the Head Storekeeper – one of the Che Efoa. Nahanya is the hunter who follows spoor and leads Besanbo, the man with the gun, to the quarry. The position can be held by any man. Ngangala is the name for blacksmith. Ngufet is the name of Fontem Head Che Efoa. Mbebeokunya is the swine-herd (held by Che Efoa) Mbebebefong is cow-herd (held by Che Efoa) Mbebji is shepherd (held by Che Efoa) Njafaw and Beje are men’s names, and so is Difor. Any Che Efoa can hold the Chief’s pipe, the word in Bangwa is Ngunglekingtia Efoa. Dhajum is a corruption of Tanjong the name of a man. There is no special title for this work since one Che Efoa never does it, but several are employed.


Number of French men and women who attended the market 296